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Friday, February 23, 1996

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FOCUS: The Armed Forces 10 years after EDSA

A succession of military men

By SANDRA S. AGUINALDO and CARLO B. M. SANTOS, Reporters

When the police and the military decided to break away from the administration of former President Marcos in 1986, the reason was ostensibly to institute reforms in the ranks of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police (PC-INP).

Today, they have one of their own as President, another one being eyed to succeed him, and a putschist breaking ground in the Senate. They have, in fact, packed every corner of government bureaucracy such that some are beginning to suspect the country has become "militarized."

The EDSA defectors of 1986, led by then Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile and PC chief and vice-chief of staff Lt. Gen. Fidel Ramos, said the organizations were corrupt and unprofessional.

The rebels then said Filipinos were becoming fearful of the Defense establishment because of rampant human rights violations. The AFP and the PC-INP were being used by the dictatorship to entrench himself in power.

The same complaints are being aired by certain sectors of the military prompting many to examine if things are any different today, 10 years from the time the police and military made a clean breast of their roles in perpetuating an authoritarian regime.

VERY LITTLE CHANGE "There has been very little change (and) a lot of wasted opportunities to unite the Filipino people. President Ramos' government is too slow in addressing (its) problems," said Gregorio Honasan, mastermind of a string of coup attempts against the Aquino government and who is now a senator.

He said he is still dissatisfied with the way things are in the military, but that everything depends on the "economic and social welfare" of men in uniform.

Philippine National Police Senior Superintendent Vic Batac, a classmate of Mr. Honasan at the Philippine Military Academy (PMA), admitted that before the 1986 revolt, the concern of junior police and military officers were confined to "internal reforms." In fact, Mr. Honasan's Reform the Armed Forces Movement was renamed as Rebolusyonaryong Alyansang Makabansa (RAM).

"At first it was simply a sincere effort for internal reforms," he said.

PNP Senior Inspector Diosdado Valeroso, former spokesperson of the more radical faction called the Young Officers Union (YOU), said national concerns were defined during the regular meetings in Camp Aguinaldo before the planned defection. They included:

* Graft and corruption; * Cronyism; * The rise of the communist and Muslim rebels; and, * Marcos' failing health and reports that Imelda Marcos and then AFP chief of staff Gen. Fabian Ver were being groomed to succeed him.

"We realized then that Marcos was really the problem," he said.

The people were outraged, but civilians and politicians who voiced discontent over the administration were dealt with severely. They were either dumped in detention centers or ended up victims of summary execution, then institutionalized as means of silencing critics of the Marcoses.

TOO CLOSE FOR COMFORT Mr. Ver was "too close for comfort" to Mr. Marcos such that his sons Wyrlo, Rexor and Irwin were assigned to defend Malacañang and protect the First Family during the uprising.

The rise to power of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) also alarmed the military rebels.

It was widely believed that when the renegade soldiers were plotting to depose Mr. Marcos, they were holding separate talks with the CPP and the MNLF to consolidate the ranks of anti-Marcos oppositionists.

Military records showed the strength of the CPP and the MNLF peaked at about 25,000 towards the end of the Marcos term, and eventually declined during Mrs. Aquino's term. Today, the ranks of the CPP are a little more than 7,000 and the MNLF estimated at 8,000.

The rebels made their move when it became clear Mr. Marcos was, indeed, ailing and his wife Imelda was taking charge.

A source from the RAM said the rebels were able to easily establish contacts with the CPP adding Marcos follower Ali Dimaporo had helped in arming the soldiers who defected.

From Saturday, Feb. 21, 1986 to Monday, Feb. 24, the number of defectors increased sharply, although, Mr. Ponce Enrile admitted he started with only 300 men in Camp Aguinaldo. These men then called their classmates from the PMA and asked them to get as many people as they can to the rebels' side. Messrs. Ramos and Ponce Enrile likewise used their influence as military leaders to get more soldiers to support them.

Soon, there were thousands of fully armed soldiers willing to die just to get the Marcoses and their cronies out of power. Newly purchased weapons, as well as firearms and ammunitions from government arsenals freely changed hands during preparations to defend camps Crame and Aguinaldo from troops commanded by then Army chief Josephus Ramas.

THE UPRISING On the first day of the revolution, Mr. Enrile reportedly ordered his guards to try out brand-new M-16 Armalites, Uzis, Galils and an arsenal of mortars.

The successful uprising sent the Marcoses and their allies scampering out of the country and into Hawaiian exile. Popular widow Corazon Aquino became President, but this did not stop the military from attempting to wrest power.

Six coup attempts were staged against her government, many of them led by Mr. Honasan. Marcos loyalists were his blind followers.

"RAM was not involved as a group (in all the coup attempts)," said Mr. Valeroso.

Mr. Honasan and other key RAM members who have gone underground resurfaced in 1991 to negotiate peace with the government. Last year, the government and the rebels forged a peace agreement ending years of hostilities in the camps.

The rebels also agreed to turn over to the government high-powered weapons taken from military arsenals. However, some military officials have began to question the sincerity of the RAM for delaying to produce at least 50% of what was lost during the coups. So far, the group had only turned over only 10 boxes of grenades.

The group also began tracking down its members in an effort to come up with a list to be covered by the peace agreement. Those in the list will also be granted amnesty set to be declared by the administration. The proclamation is now being drafted by Malacañang.

A number of officers who were still in active service opted to remain unidentified, the RAM said. A total of 361 former military and police rebels have also filed their application with the National Amnesty Commission (NAC). The NAC said 300 of them have been granted a clean slate. The initial list of at least 2,000 rebels handed in by the RAM, included members, supporters and sympathizers of the group.

NO REPEAT "There will not be a repeat of the coup attempts. The government is ready to hear the grievances of the military and is open to accepting its mistake," said Capt. Rene Jarque, son of military general-turned-communist Raymundo Jarque.

Maj. Jake Malajacan, one of the RAM soldiers captured on suspicion he was out to kill the Marcos family, said despite the many turn of events which led to the overthrow of the dictatorship, the reasons for the revolution earlier identified by the defectors remain.

For one, it cannot be said for sure that there is totally no corruption and abuses in the AFP and the PNP which has replaced the PC-INP. He said abuses and corruption in the organizations remain and they have taken a new form.

Mr. Ponce Enrile was quoted as saying that the police and the military "are not any better" today.

AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Arturo Enrile told BusinessWorld reforms in the military have been introduced as a result of the 1986 EDSA uprising. Gone were the days when civilians run for safety upon seeing soldiers, he said.

"There has been a significant change in the military since EDSA revolution. I can say that now, our soldiers are more professional. The organization is no longer involved in politics like before and corruption has been lessened dahil na rin naging subject ng scrutiny ang mga officials because of the freedom of the press," Mr. Enrile said.

PNP chief Director General Recaredo Sarmiento said charges of human rights abuses against policemen are inevitable and comes with the nature of the job.

"They are in contact with the people 24 hours a day making them very exposed to this kind of criticism," he said.

MORAL LEADERSHIP Both he and Mr. Enrile agree another military and police uprising is no longer possible because of the "present moral leadership." Mr. Enrile added the rebel leaders have decided to join the parliamentary form of struggle. He was referring to Mr. Honasan.

RAM, he said, has "penetrated the corridors of power. Why go back to violence?"

Mr. Honasan said that although the EDSA revolution is worth celebrating, the government still has to prove its sincerity by fulfilling the promises of the people power revolution.

"Marami nang pagkakataon na nasayang. Marami nang leksyon ang natutunan dahil sa ating mga pagkakamali," he said.

Mr. Ramos at the helm of the presidency is not enough, said RAM leaders. They believe the government must be able to deliver basic services to the people to make the reforms felt by Filipinos.

Mr. Ramos has reaffirmed his commitment to democracy by promising he will not declare martial law.

Yet, some in the military rank-and-file are excited at the prospect of having another military man, in the person of Defense Secretary Renato de Villa, take over the presidency. Will Mr. Honasan be ripe for the year 2004?

"The way we see it. We are going to have a succession of military leaders and I think it's going to be good for the country," Mr. Valeroso said.

By SANDRA S. AGUINALDO and CARLO B. M. SANTOS, Reporters